Tuesday, November 10, 2009

Are Bangladeshi Hindus still Enemies to the States ? What are you thinking about my Refugee Bangals in West Bengal ??

In Bangladesh Hindus are still Enemies to the State ??

Bangladesh’s hegemony to approve law to return 1965 war Hindu property from the clutch of defacto Enemies’ Property Act.

Dhaka: The Bangladesh cabinet on Monday approved a proposed law to return Hindu property which were confiscated during the 1965 Indo-Pak war, when the country was eastern wing of Pakistan, ending a major violation of the rights of minorities in the country.

The cabinet meeting (chaired by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina) approved the Vested Property Return (Amendment) Act 2009 . . . it (proposed law) will now be placed to parliament for enactment,” prime minister’s deputy press secretary Mahbubul Haque Shakil told reporters.

The proposed law is meant to redress the long-disputed law of the Pakistani era, which was widely criticised as a major violation of the minority rights. During the Pakistan period, the law was called as Enemy Property Act.

The then Pakistani regime enacted the law to confiscate the property of the Hindu families who fled the country when the India-Pakistan war broke out in 1965 while the post independent Bangladesh government renamed it as the Vested Property Act 1974.

The final cabinet approval for the law came after some amendments were made to it in line with the cabinet directives two months ago.

Officials familiar with the

process said under the amended proposal, the government would publish lists of “returnable and non-returnable vested property” within a certain period of times while theclaimants could also seek review about "non returnable" property.

Under the law, government committees at district and upazila or sub-district levels would settle disputes regarding the disputed property.

Awami League had enacted the law to return the minority property at the fag end of its previous 1996-2001 tenure setting a two-year implementation deadline but the subsequent Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) sat on it exposing it to a natural death. The past military-backed interim government, however, enacted anotherordinance under emergency rules with identical objectives of settling the long-standing issue but it too faced a natural death as the incumbent Awami League decided not to ratify it in parliament.

A parliamentary watchdog on March 11 this year asked the land ministry to draft the new Vested Property Return Act restoring the six-month deadline for local authorities to compile a list of land seized under the law.

Many Hindus were unable to recover landholdings lost because of discrimination under the now-defunct Vested Property Act, an East Pakistan-era law that allowed the Government to expropriate “enemy”, in practice Hindu, lands.

The then Pakistani government had seized approximately 2.5 million acres of land from Hindus, affecting nearly 10 million Hindus in the country until parliament scrapped it in April 2001.

The 2001 law stipulated that land that was seized under the be returned to its original owners, provided that the original owners or their heirs remained resident citizens.

According to a study conducted by a Dhaka University professor several years ago nearly 200,000 Hindu families lost approximately 40,667 acres of land since 2001 until the annulment of the Vested Property Act, considered a “black law”.

After a protracted campaign by the rights groups and different forums of the Hindu community the then Awami League government had scraped the law enacting the Vested Property Return Act.

Source :Bureau Report>> Zee News.

Basudev Dhar reports in Daink Statesman, Kolkata

on 3rd. Nov. that the Leaders of Bangladesh Hindu Bauddha Christian Oikya Parishad ( Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council, BHBCUC) reacted primarily upon the tabled legislation as the amendments in the said Vested Property Return Act 1974 @ Enemies’ Property Act 1965 does not contain any relief to the Hindus left Bangladesh or staying Bangladesh returning their exile sometime out of Bangladesh.

Rana Das Gupta, General Secretary of BHBCUC told that they have not got the full version of the said Amendment Act and the available information has no scope to be relieved anyway for the persecuted Hindus of Bangladesh. They must convey the details about the plight of Bangladeshi Hindus to the International Hindu Communities in the present context of Amendment of Vested Property Return Act 1974.

It is a fact the then Pakistan Govt in East Pakistan imposed the Enemies’ Property Act 1965 to grab the land of Hindus in the advent of Indo-Pak War. Regimes changed several times with the flow of gallons of water in Padma, but the fate of the Hindus in Bangladesh remain unchanged. In each and every day after the Freedom War in Bangladesh in 1971 acres of lands of Hindus have been encroached by the Islamist Musclemen, Leaders of the Political Parties – both in power and in opposition and other State Agencies.

The non-provision of inheritance or the co-sharing of the landed property in the proposed Amendment Act 2009 in question hinted the halfheartedness of Sheikh Hasina of the Awami League Govt. in the matter of redressal of the Hindu Victims alike its predecessor Khaleda Zia of BNP Govt . At present the Hindus of Bangladesh turned as a small minority of 8% coming down from a higher population of 23% in 1971 as per available data and census reports. The tremendous persecution of the Islamists upon the Hindus in Bangladesh and the State sponsored torture over the Hindus in Bangladesh are pointed as the prime cause of the ethnic cleansing of Hindus from Bangladesh.

The Hindu Bengalees sacrificed no less blood than the Muslim Bengalees in the Freedom Fight of Bangladesh. But the face of Islamization of Bangladesh detracted the Kaffir Bengali Hind us from their civil rights in Bangladesh.

Reaction of the Hindu Human Rights Group for the matter.

Pardon me Please to call you "Refugee Bangal". Rather it is to sensitize your sentiments. Then it must be futile.

The Jyoti Basu, Budhha Bhattachrya, Promod Dasgupta, Mamata Banerjee, Tathagata , Sougata Roy all these refugees lost their sensations for Politics of appeasements. The Sunil, Shirshendu, Sumon...... refugees lost their sensations for secular creativity. The common refugees lost their sensations for their ostrich nature.

If such a little sensation for the persecuted Bengali Hindus in Bangladesh residued anyway, We should hold a convention in the matter of Enemies’ Property Act 1965 @Vested Property Return Act 1974 @Vested Property Return (Amendment) Act 2009 in Kolkata. Still 30% Refugees from Bangladesh have lands or landed property in Bangladesh, gradually wasted out from their owner. The derived resolution of the proposed convention may be sent to the Bangladesh Government for some favourable action.

Perhaps the East Bengal Intellectual Refugee Gentle Men have hardly any time for it. Here they are settled anyway and planning to be refugee again with all the West Bengal Citizens.

Monday, November 9, 2009

Bengal Oasis of Peace.

M..I..G..H..T........I..S........R..I..G..H..T



Armed on bike procession on CPIM cadres in Goghat areas in Hoogly on 07/11/09 morning.



Armed procession of Trinmool (TMC) supporters in Tarakeswar, Hoogly on 07/11/09 afternoon.



08.11.2009 Gidhni (West Midnapur) Encounter between Maoists & Eastern Frontier Rifles Jawans. Dead bodies of Four Jawans are taken out from the spot.


07.11.09 Maoists executed capital punishment for three after Public Court in Kushboni Forest, in West Medinipur.

Top Maoist leader claims responsibility for killing of jawans

Midnapore (WB), Nov 8, (PTI):

Claiming responsibility for the gunning down of four Eastern Frontier Rifle jawans, the CPI (Maoists) on Sunday night dared the West Bengal and Central governments to deploy as much forces as they wanted in the trouble-torn West Midnapore district.

"We have killed the four jawans as they tortured innocent school children who had taken out a rally in the area on Saturday demanding the educational institutions be vacated by joint security forces and their classes resume at the earliest," Maoist leader Koteshar Rao alias Kishanji told reporters from an undisclosed destination."We will win the war. Let the Centre deploy as much forces as they want," the top Maoist leader shot back.

To a question if the attack was a challenge posed by the Maoists to West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee who left the district just two hours back, Kishanji retorted "But we have long before challenged the central and state governments, and as I have just said, the war is on."

Four EFR jawans were killed in a surprise assault by Maoists while they were patrolling near Gidhni Bazaar in the Jhargram sub-division of West Midnapore district today, barely hours after Bhattacharjee left after a two-day visit. The ultras also took away the arms of the four slain jawans.


Courtesy:: Anandabazar::Pratidin, Deccan Herald.

Wednesday, October 28, 2009

Worsening Wasteland of West Bengal



Murdered Noor Ali Molla, a supporter of TMC in Shasan, N 24 Pgs on 27.10.09

Wasteland of West Bengal

Shikha Mukerjee

The State is losing the fight to gain a place among the locations that will power India towards fulfilling its potential as an economic power. Along with the Nano, other possibilities too have fled and the return of the Maoists shows West Bengal is an inhospitable place for investors.

The right to agitate to wrest concessions from an inert and insensitive authority is legitimate. The legitimacy of agitations that convert busy places bustling with new activities into wastelands is questionable.

Travelling down the Durgapur Expressway that links up with the National Highway, once upon a time the Grand Trunk Road, the desolate enclosed factory lands with sheds that are waiting for the ravages of time and climate to grow rusted is a painful reminder that West Bengal is losing the fight to gain a place, however modest, among the locations that will power India towards fulfilling its long delayed potential as an economic power. If the loss were confined to just one factory — the Tata Motors manufacturing facility for the Nano car, the waste would have been less visible and less painful.

Along with the Nano other possibilities too have fled. The busy expressway is reverting to a sleepy expressway. The dhabas and the restaurants, the parking lots for trucks and the burgeoning housing projects have all dwindled, waiting to die a natural death. Everything is there, but there is nothing to sustain the investments in eateries, parking lots, housing, godowns. Even the stands displaying garish buntings that truckers buy to adorn the behemoths have declined. There are fewer of them now than before.

All of this is a reminder that West Bengal had a future and that future has been killed off by competitive and ultimately destructive politics. Thirty years ago, there was a rust belt in West Bengal that stretched from Kolkata across the lush green acres of Hooghly, Howrah, Burdwan, the undivided districts of Midnapore and 24 Parganas. The rust was from factories that had shut down because the investors had decided that West Bengal was politically too volatile for comfortably doing business. During those years, the tea gardens too witnessed a slide. The jute industry limped, the engineering industry rusted.

The slow climb out of the deep well of despair took decades, hampered by ideological barriers against computerisation and modernisation that required the obsolete to be discarded and new machines and new ways to be adopted. Small engineering fled to several places including Pune, Ludhiana, Jalandhar. Policy ensured that the big public sector investments and the so-called big private sector investments were made in less developed places. West Bengal’s economy
languished.

Post 1977, there was land reforms that released productive energies in agriculture. For West Bengal that was consolation because economic activity picked up some pace, even though that pace was obviously slow. There were cautious efforts to lure back investors. Even after 1994 and the brand new industrial policy resolution that adapted economic reforms and liberalisation to fit the rhetoric of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), there was little forward movement.

The one big success was the Haldia Petrochemicals Limited and the almost stealthy entry of the IT sector. Possibilities began emerging, albeit hesitantly.

Then with a bang, Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee launched his successful mission to bring in the investors. Tata Motors came and Singur despite the land row started off with the certainty that West Bengal would become a global destination since the Nano would be manufactured here. The Rs 1 lakh small car that challenged every big car maker in the world was all set to transform West Bengal’s image even if not every segment of the State’s economy.

The anti-land acquisition movement threatened and then killed the Nano project. It also produced a spectacular political revival of the Opposition, led by the Trinamool Congress and its leader Mamata Banerjee. The contested land located on the Durgapur Expressway is now a series of sheds awaiting the onset of corrosion. Beside the contested land other sheds too seem to be similarly unemployed. The traffic on the expressway is lighter. The numbers of trucks trundling along are fewer, and far fewer of them are waiting to move either up or down the road. Instead of hectic movement, if the Nano plant had survived the politics of West Bengal, there is a sluggish movement of goods. The toll gates look underused and there are fewer police manning them, because the traffic is light.

And now there are the Maoists. Even if the Maoists are spread across some 180 odd districts of India, even if the purpose of the Centre’s crackdown on them is as Arundhati Roy claims to clear the way for international mining interests, the connection between violent ultra Left politics and West Bengal is special. The original Naxalite movement started here. The return of the Maoists is a reminder that West Bengal is an inhospitable place for investors.

Sweeping down the expressway two years ago, there was a lot of activity around Dankuni. Branded as the new Kolkata west of the original city, a township was in the making. The ugly sculpted horses on top of a gate that led from nowhere to nowhere marked the beginning of a brave new world. The horses and the gate remain, the housing project has slumped and DLF’s investment has disappeared.

The wasteland is beginning to creep back and soon West Bengal will revert to its rust belt status. All activity will be political. For those who want to or must because they need to earn a livelihood, the multiple new train connections will speed an army of low cost labour out of West Bengal. Those who get left behind will constitute the miserable proletariat, ripe for political manipulation.


Courtsey : Sikha Mukerjee|| www.dailypioneer.com

Monday, October 26, 2009

A different class war















......................................................................................

Maoists play to middle class sensitivities in West Bengal

Shikha Mukerjee http://www.dailypioneer.com/

The unpalatable fact is that there was high voltage drama enacted by the Maoists, including its leader Koteswar Rao alias Kishenji, and the West Bengal Government as well as the Centre over one hostage —Atindranath Dutta. He, as the photographs will confirm, is a well nourished police officer in charge of the police station at Sankrail in West Midnapore district.

While two others died at the same police station, two other policemen were taken hostage — Kanchan Gorai and Sabir Mollah —from Dharampur and Pirkhana, also in the same district, there was no drama over their deaths and disappearance. Clearly there is a class divide between ‘us’ and ‘them’. Dutta is so obviously middle class that his being taken hostage commands attention. The others are so obviously not ‘middle class’ that the absence of attention is entirely customary.

Kishenji agreed to send Dutta back unscathed because otherwise ‘public opinion’ would have swung from sneaking sympathy to equally hostile antagonism. The public whose opinion matters and cannot be taken for granted, bludgeoned, brow beaten and condemned into cowering silence is that of the middle class. The rest, including most of 124 listed as “martyrs” in the poll and post-violence between March and October this year in West Bengal belong to that silent majority who do not inhabit that elite space defined theoretically as the ‘public sphere’.

Therefore, it was a duet that was composed between the middle class conscious Maoists and Marxists to broker a deal that could release one of their own, Dutta. The post-release performance of Dutta, media and family has been a three-ring circus. With their every move captured on camera, every tear and smile recorded for vicarious entertainment, the deliberate deflection of attention from two other policemen, Gorai and Mollah, it seems West Bengal has feelings only for its bhadralok.

If senior police officials are upset over the post-release drama, if they are frustrated because they were not allowed to at least attempt a capture or face off with Kishenji just when they had him holed up, pinned down and ready for the plucking on October 22 night, no one is acting on that. The shocker is that Dutta having done nothing, beyond as he claimed “kept his cool,” has become a hero and while he parades around in the harsh glow of flash lights nobody is asking why he is not back at work.

Old timers have quietly and privately questioned the action of the State Government in countenancing such unprofessional conduct. These same old timers have then shrugged and answered their own query: Everything that is done is based on electoral calculations. The point that old timers wish to make is that Dutta has not been checked over after his being taken hostage. If he were a policeman in the real sense surely he gathered some intelligence that may be of some use or at least can go on active files in a situation where the Indian state is, as the Maoist supremo Ganapati declared earlier this week, locked in a war-like situation and Operation Venus is underway.

The conspiracy of class includes the usually strident Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee. After condemning the hostage taking and the attack on the Sankrail police station, Ms Banerjee has fallen conspicuously silent. The day the attack occurred, she spat venom at the West Bengal Government, alleged that it was a so-called attack by the Maoists and questioned the capacity of the State administration to protect the police force. The irony of her demand that the police force be protected obviously escaped her as much as it escaped her admirers and critics.

The commonplace ‘normal’ that expects the police force to protect rather than be protected, that expects a policeman to be differently dutiful and less a celebrity baking in media attention are measures that no longer apply in West Bengal. The parameters within which the normal, the usual, the ordinary and the routine, function have changed. While many would lazily suggest that everything has been “politicised,” others would not even bother to wonder why the ‘normal’ is no longer applicable.

Critics of the CPI (Marxist) would vehemently assert that the ‘normal’ was distorted soon after 1977 when the party came to power in the State. Others less extreme would estimate that the ‘normal’ was distorted in the 1980s. To reckon when the abnormal became ‘normal’ is a matter that perhaps academics can explore; for the rest, an easy to grasp divide in before 2006 and after 2006, before Singur and Nandigram and the Trinamool Congress’s ma, mati, manush push, the spectacular revival of Maoist politics and violence and one major casualty, the Nano car factory.

Since 2006, the ‘normal’ has become abnormal. A nearly completed factory shut down because of an agitation led by one and supported by other parliamentary parties. Maoists via its fronts or perhaps infiltrated People’s Committees against land acquisition, against police atrocities have acquired an aura. Even though the Congress has questioned the Trinamool Congress’s association with organisations attached to Maoists, there has been no political reckoning on this.

Despite the puzzling political equations, the credit ratings of every organisation have remained blue chip. The rating agency that is most respected is that of the Maoists; by rejecting the Constitution, declaring themselves outlaws, condemning parliamentary parties and their politics, the Maoists have acquired a halo. Their judgment matters and it is sacrosanct.

'Our party wanted to kill West Bengal's chief minister'



An interview with Maoist Leader Gour Chakroborty on !9.06.09 published in Rediffmail.

Security forces on Thursday, June 18, moved into the restive Lalgarh region in West Bengal's [ Images ] Midnapore district to end the three-day siege led by the Communist Party of India (Maoist).
The Communist Party of India (Maoist) went on a rampage targeting Communist Party of India-Marxist cadres and leaders, destroying their homes and party offices and setting up barricades to block the police and Central Reserve Police Force's entry.

As the country awaits a solution to the Lalgarh crisis, rediff.com's Indrani Roy Mitra caught up with Gour Chakraborty, the CPI (Maoist)'s spokesman, late on Thursday night.

The party came into being in September 2004 through the merger of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), the People's War Group and the Maoist Communist Centre of India. The merger was announced on October 14 the same year.

What led to the Lalgarh violence?

Every act of violence has its roots in torture and repression. Be it the French Revolution, Russian Revolution, Santhal movement or Tebhaga movement, all uprisings resulted from popular discontent.

Tribals of Lalgarh have suffered for years. They have been tortured and insulted by the ruling Left Front and the police.

What is happening at Lalgarh is nothing but an explosion of tribals' pent-up grievances.

Lalgarh, if you remember, has been on the boil since last November when a landmine exploded near Bhadutala on the route of the convoy of West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee [ Images ] and then central ministers Ram Vilas Paswan and Jiten Prasada.

The ministers were returning after laying the foundation of a steel plant in Salboni.

Soon after, the police launched a massive combing operation and arrested local school students and harassed tribal women.

In protest, angry tribals in and around Lalgarh dug up roads, virtually cutting off Lalgarh from the rest of Midnapore.

They also demanded a public apology from the police for the alleged excesses against them.

The area has witnessed continuous clashes since then.

Hinting at a state within a state, tribal leader Chhatradhar Mahato [ Images ] of the People's Committee Against Police Atrocities said on Thursday his organisation could build infrastructure in just eight months in Lalgarh? Is it true?

Absolutely. Though the PCAPA is an infant organisation, it has a mission to better the lives of the tribals.

The PCAPA is fighting for the tribals's cause, it is seeking justice for them.

Like the PCAPA, we too are against violence. But what is happening in Lalgarh is the outburst of the people who have been suffering for the last 32 years.

It is being alleged that you are using women and children as shields.

This is utter nonsense. We are not using women and children as shields. Hundreds and thousands of tribal women have come out in the open spontaneously, shouting slogans against the police and the administration.

They are walking in tandem with us.

How do you justify the loss of so many innocent lives? Why are you killing policemen? They are just doing their jobs.

We are orchestrating a revolution at Lalgarh. Can you cite an instance where a revolution took place without bloodshed? Our motive is not to take innocent lives.

We just want to resist coercion and police atrocities. To counter force, we have to combat and resort to violence.

We really feel sorry for those who get martyred in the process, but we can't help it.

The security forces are on their way to free Lalgarh. Are you equipped enough to resist them?

One should not underestimate us. We know our strength and weaknesses. We are also aware how strong our 'enemies' are.

You mean your cache of arms and ammunition is huge enough.

I am not supposed to talk about it. But do remember, we are strong enough to put up a brave fight.

The CPI-M [ Images ] is alleging that the Trinamool Congress [ Images ] is giving you tacit approval. Is it true?

No, not at all. The Trinamool Congress did seek our support in its fight against the CPI-M in Nandigram [ Images ].

But (Trinamool chief) Mamata Banerjee [ Images ] had only wanted to use Nandigram as a tool to win elections. That was her ulterior motive.

Ms Banerjee recently stated that your party is an offshoot of the Communist Party of India-Marxist.

As I told you, Mamata Banerjee used Nandigram as an election plank. She used it as a pawn for her party to win Lok Sabha seats.

She claims to be against special economic zones. Then why didn't she stand by us in our movement against the Jindal group's planned SEZ in Salboni area?

Also, her demand to the Tatas to free 400 acres of land lacked clarity. She should have demanded the entire 1,000 acres.

Therefore, we refuse to give any importance to what she says about us.

As we all know, West Bengal saw a huge political change in the recent Lok Sabha polls. The change occurred through a democratic process. Why don't you tread the same path to bring about the so-called transformation?

The Left Front government has been emerging winner in every election for the last three decades. What has it done for the state of West Bengal? What has it done for the tribals of Lalgarh? Nothing.

Which democracy are you talking about?

In a recent press conference, one of your colleagues, Bikash, said that the people of Lalgarh want West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee dead. The landmine blast that narrowly missed the chief minister's car last November was an attempt on his life. Would you like to comment on it?

On August 14, 2004, Dhananjoy Chatterjee, a rapist and a murderer, was hanged to death in Kolkata [ Images ].

The incident brought to an end Chatterjee's 14-year-long legal battle to escape the noose, as human rights groups held protests outside the Alipore Central Jail against the capital punishment.

Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee and his wife Meera had then reasoned why a rapist and a murderer like Chatterjee should be hanged.

Bhattacharjee's government has killed hundreds of people, raped countless women during its tenure.

Therefore, may I ask why should he escape capital punishment?

You regret that your party missed its target in November?

Of course. Our party wanted to kill Bhattacharjee. It failed in its mission. We have every reason to regret. Think of the French Revolution, it was popular force that had brought down a corrupt monarchy. The kings and the queens were guillotined.

History tells us that at times, the crooked and the greedy need to be eliminated.

You are the publicist of your party. Your task is to convey the CPI (Maoist)'s messages to the people. Who are your colleagues who actually carry out these attacks?

The attacks that we plan are carried out by People's Guerilla Army. PGA members act clandestinely. They move in the dark of the night and launch surprise attacks on our enemies.

Once PGA members's skills reach the optimum level, their group is rechristened the People's Liberation Army and is considered empowered enough to take on the enemies head on.

Can the Lalgarh incident be compared to the Naxalite movement?

It will be improper to compare the two. The Naxalite movement had a different context. What is happening in Lalgarh is the tribals' way of resisting police atrocities.

It's their method of saying, 'Enough is enough'. Those involved with the Naxalite movement had a different motive altogether.

Your party has called a bandh in Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Chattisgarh on June 22 and 23. Could you clearly spell out your party's demands?

We want the entire Lalgarh to be a liberated zone for the tribals. We want them to have a democracy of their own, a democracy that will be guided by a new and free economy.

We have three-point demands: Central and state forces must be withdrawn from the entitre jangalmahal; the state government must officially apologise to the tribals for its torture and misbehaviour and it should immediately put an end to police atrocities.

Violence in Lalgarh will continue unless our demands are met.

Courtsey : Daily Pioneer, Rediffmail.

Saturday, October 24, 2009

Maoists get arms from outside, obviously through Bengal-Bangladesh Border and North Bengal.






.........
.Maoists get arms from outside: PC

PTI New Delhi

Maoists are acquiring weapons through Bangladesh, Myanmar and possibly Nepal, according to Home Minister P Chidambaram, who nonetheless has expressed Government's willingness for a dialogue with them provide they abjure violence.

Naxalism remains the biggest internal security threat to India, he said and hit out at intellectuals who still try to "romanticise" the naxalites.

In a wide-ranging interview to PTI on Saturday, Chidambaram said the Government is practical enough to understand that the Naxals would not not lay down arms.

He said said the West Bengal Government has "learnt a lesson very late" after the Lalgarh operation but he would not not comment much on the West Bengal Government's decision to secure the release of an abducted police official by not not opposing the bail application of about 20 pro-Maoist trials.

"In terms of the threat to security from Indian sources or internal sources, Naxalism remains the biggest threat. There is, of course, the other threat which is cross border terrorism but that is emanating from across the border," he said.

"There is no no evidence of any money flowing in from abroad to the Maoists. But there is certainly evidence of weapons being smuggled from abroad through Myanmar or Bangladesh which reaches the Maoists."

Asked whether some weapons are coming through Nepal, he said "it is possible".

To a question whether there is any Pakistan angle to it, Chidambaram said they were not not sure where the weapons are originating from.

"We know now that the weapons are coming through Bangladesh and Myanamr and possibly Nepal. The border is very porous. The Indo-Nepal border is a very porous border." He said police has not not found any weapons with Pakistani marking.

The Maoists had looted "our own armouries" and they had said that the objective of the attack on the Sankhrail police station in West Bengal was weapons and money.

"Even after this statement, if people romanticise the naxalities, all I can say that only God can help them," he said.

Asked if there are any groups from abroad backing the Maoists, the Minister said "I don't know. It is possible that they get some intellectual support. I hear voices of some human rights group from abroad which say that we have unleashed a war on the Maoists. That is the intellectual support I am referring to."

Asked if there is any evidence of external help to Maoists, Chidambaram said it may be at the level of intellectual or ideological level.

Queried about the Maoist leader Kishenji's statement that they would not not surrender arms and that forces should be withdrawn from the entire naxal-affected areas along with the release of the cadre and their supporters, he said "I am not not going to respond
to Kishenji."

Chidambaram said "he (Kishenji) is the leader of an organisation declared as unlawful. Therefore, as one representing the Government, I have no no intention of responding to him."

He said a few days ago when former Lok Sabha Speaker Rabi Ray and his friends issued a statement suggesting that violence should stop and talks should begin he felt it was his duty to write to him and state what the Government policy is.

"Let me state it in carefully chosen words that if any group abjures violence we are willing to talk to that group about any genuine grievances. This is what the Prime Minister has said, this is what I have said. We have not not asked them to anything more. We simply
say halt the violence and then we can talk," he said.

Asked if laying down arms is not not a condition, Chidambaram said he had not not used those words.

"Besides I am too practical to know they will not not lay down arms. They have to halt violence which means halt the wanton destruction of railway track, roads, telephone towers, school buildings, bridges, halt kidnapping and extortion.

"Violence must be stopped and then with the help of well-meaning people, we can find a way in which the State Governments primarily can talk to the groups in that State and the Central Government will afford any assistance it can to facilitate such talks," he said.

Thursday, October 22, 2009

Maoists released kidnapped police officer to check the retaliation from Bengal Mind.



Atindranath Freed. Bengal never show down or bow down to Naxalites-Maoists.

As West Midnapore district Court has ordered the release on bail on 22/10/09 today around 10-30 am for fourteen tribal women and nine others after the government did not contest their bail petition, the maoist settings were full-proof to the stage of the release of kidnapped police official Atindranath Dutta in the after-noon.

Maoist leader Koteswar Rao alias Kishenji promised to release the police official but said the area where he is held hostage is encircled by a huge force of police and para-military and that was causing problems for the release. "They have to stop the operations and allow our fighters a safe passage after we release the police official," Kishenji said. The freed women hail from the troubled Maoist-dominated enclave of Lalgarh and those arrested general people are not connected with the Maoist activities so far.

The Maoists leaded by Kishenji came to the contact with the both of electronic and print media in the process of releasing abducted Officer-in-Charge of Sankrail Police Station of West Medinipur, Sri Atindranath Dutta since last night. As such Sri Dutta was also hopeful for his release from the grip of Tanibanized Maoist of Bengal who shot dead rampantly to his fellow Police Official on Tuesday last in a cool blood and snatched away 6 rifles, 4 revolvers, 1 9mm pistol, 2 motorcycles and Rs.9 lakhs from a nearby State Bank.

The situation reached a climax when Com. Kishenji freed the POW (Prisoner of War) at about 8.00 pm at Bhulageria Forest region a safe hide of the Jangalmahal Maoist in the presence of the Media Persons as Kishenji decided earlier to hand over the POW to the Media persons as the Bengal media embedded a good confidence in Koteswar Rao @ Kishenji,anyway. Kishen and his Maoist gang appeared with assault rifles in front of the media, showing thumbs to all the IPC and CrPC in that 'PWO Release Meet' i.e. 'Juddhabandi Mukti Sammelan'.

Kishen in his normal style tried to sensitized the media and his followers in his speech clarifying the Pro-People activities of the Maoists and the State Persecution upon the Jangalmahal people. This time Kishen condemned everybody, from Central Home Minister Chidembaram to State Chief Minister Budhhadev Bhattacharya; Sonia-Rahul Gandhi to Trinamul Leader Mamta Banerjee for their cruelty to support and promote anti-Maoist survillence in Jangal Mahal. In a very intelligent manner Kishen tried to repair the image of deadly Maoists to be a little generous by releasing OC Sankrail. But nobody in the media front had the carouge to question Koteswar Rao @ Kishen about the brutal killings of Late Dibakar Bhattacharya, Second Officer and Late Swapan Roy ASI of Sankrail PS. Kishen, his gunmen or any of his spokes-person in the disguise of intellectuals never feel any repentance for such cool blooded murder nor they convey any condolence and sympathy towards the bereaved family of Late Dibakar Bhattacharya and Late Swapan Roy.

Though a released and relaxed Atindra expressed his gratitude to the Maoists for extending all possible co-operation with him in the hostage, a concerned OC of Sankrail expressed more security for all the Police Station in Jangalmahal for not a repetition in the next. However Mr. Atindranath Dutta reported him in Jhargram police Station before his re-union with his anxietied & aged parents, his weeping wife and his two years daughter, once who will be able to know this strangling situation of 54 hours afterwards.

Read more.....Maoists release kidnapped police officer.
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Wednesday, October 21, 2009

Maoism has come to mean murder



Red terror has come to haunt West Bengal with stunning perversity

Shikha Mukerjee/www.dailypioneer.com

It exhibits a perversion of mind to deceive desperately anxious families with reassurances after killing others in a ruthless and calculated act of terror. It takes monumental cynicism to declare that they are willing to talk and negotiate with the Government after boasting that the biggest ever operation, Venus, has been launched in an act of war against the State.

The Maoists have done just that. First there was the attack on the police station at Sankrail in West Midnapore, close to the Orissa and Jharkhand borders, in which two policemen were killed and one other abducted on Tuesday. That same evening, Maoist leader Kishenji alias Koteswar Rao, assured the family of the abducted man, Officer in-charge of the Sankrail police station, Atindranath Dutta, that he would be released on condition that the family succeeded in persuading the West Bengal Government to call off the joint security operations underway since June in Lalgarh in West Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia districts of the State.
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The pitiless exploitation of Dutta family’s fear by the Maoists is a measure of their ruthlessness. It would require extraordinary courage for the Dutta family to grasp that the promises made by Kishenji, could be deliberate falsehood.

Obviously the Maoists are persuasive. Equally obviously there are people willing to be persuaded. Even more obviously the Maoists and those who buy their line have common hate objects; in West Bengal it is the CPI(M). Therefore, the Maoists build bridges with people, organisations who serve their purpose. For the Maoists are ruthless — their purpose matters, not the means. If using Dutta’s family serves to relieve the pressure of an increasingly successful security operation against the Maoists, so be it.

If the Maoists wanted to parley for peace, then why did they attack the police station, loot a bank and declare that Operation Venus was a full-fledged war that would be pursued with military tactics and obviously the capacity to inflict death and damage on a war-like scale? After killing two colleagues of Dutta, presumably in an act of war, what credibility do the Maoists have when they assure Dutta’s family that he would be safe? For the desperately anxious family, the assurance of safety, if it could fulfil the conditions laid down by the Maoists, is a straw to clutch. After the Taliban style beheading of Sub-Inspector Francis Induwar in Jharkhand, can the Maoists be relied upon to keep their word?

For, the Maoists are being squeezed. West Bengal is just one front. Leaders of the CPI (Maoists) have been picked up from New Delhi, Jamshedpur and clearly the noose is tightening around them. The appeal to negotiate by the man named ‘Ganapati’ echoed by Kishenji and emphasised by the abduction of Dutta is an indication that the security operations have made it difficult for the Maoists to function.
However, negotiating peace with the Maoists is a risky proposition.For there is no space with commonly agreed boundaries, rules and values within which the Maoists and the State can jointly operate. Maoist politics is based on waging war against the State. Maoists reject the Constitution of India even though they declare themselves patriots. The Maoists do not accept and certainly do not respect the rules under which Government in the State and the Government of India function, because the democratic system through which Governments are elected is an unacceptable form of democracy.

Maoist justice is different from the institutionalised arrangements and the norms contained therein of justice within which the rest of India’s civilian population functions. Maoist justice can drag out and kill a school teacher in front of his class because he has identified as a “police informer.” A child can be burnt to death along with her mother because the father was a “CPI(M)” supporter. Maoist justice, according to the West Bengal police, has killed over 80 people in the past one year, most of the killings have taken place in the last six months.

Maoist justice can siphon out, according to the Union Ministry for Rural Development, an estimated Rs 10,000-15,000 crore from the National Rural Employment Guarantee scheme. The money has gone to feed a killing machine that has declared itself at war against the State for the exploitation of the poorest. According to the Maoists, they are liberators of the exploited from the clutches of bourgeois landlords, who collude with the capitalists to deprive “indigenous” and “forest” people of their ancient way of life.

For the Maoists, human rights are violated when their cadre are picked up by the police, when their activists are injured in police action, when “forest people” and the “tribals” are “exploited” by the bourgeois political and economic order of which the Governments are servants. Others, including the men, women and children, even students working with Jean Dreze in Jharkhand killed by the Maoists, exploited by them have no rights because they are not human enough. To be human and to have rights, the poor must owe allegiance to the Maoists otherwise they are collaborators of the bourgeois system.

Antagonists of the State and by default apologists for the Maoists, from actor Aparna Sen to the permanent voice of protest Mahashweta Devi, have decried police action against innocent tribals in Lalgarh. They along with the Union Minister for Railways have called for the withdrawal of security forces and the end of the joint operation in the forest areas of West Midnapore, Banukra and Purulia. They and Ms Mamata Banerjee have called for the ouster of the State Government, an end to the persecution of the Peoples Committee against Police Atrocities leader Chatradhar Mahato.

And now, even as the rest of India tensely waits for the outcome of the abduction of Dutta, the Minister for Railways has once again questioned the legitimacy of the security operation.

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